By Dr. Jason J. McDonald
The U.S., it's always acknowledged, is likely one of the so much ethnically different nations on this planet. yet what, accurately, can we suggest once we communicate of "ethnic" teams or "ethnicity"? what's the contrast, for instance, among "race" and "ethnicity"? How do a variety of teams meld with the remainder of American society? may still we predict when it comes to assimilation, integration, pluralism, or another dating among ethnic teams and the mainstream? it's those and lots of different questions that Jason J. McDonald tackles during this well timed and insightful booklet. Chapters discover a variety of subject matters, together with how diversified ethnic teams arrived within the United States--whether via violence and coercion or keen immigration; the abnormal id of local americans as "ethnic," even though they're indigenous to the land; even if the yank public's attitudes towards and therapy of distinction has been in keeping with the nation's professed egalitarian beliefs; and the way elements similar to language, faith, category, gender, and intermarriage play in both strengthening or weakening ethnic identification and workforce harmony. an attractive and important examine a time period that continues to be stubbornly ambiguous in either scholarly dialogue and the vernacular, this e-book makes a big contribution to the continued debates approximately "difference" in American society.
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Extra info for American Ethnic History: Themes and Perspectives
The absence of coherent definitions of race and ethnicity, and especially of what distinguishes the two terms from each other, is a common flaw of revisionist works (see, for example, Omi and Winant, 1986; Polenberg, 1980, p. 9; Takaki, 1990  and 1993). The most extreme position within the revisionist perspective is occupied, according to their critics, by those proponents of ‘‘multiculturalism’’ who treat race and ethnicity as one and the same thing. For these scholars, ethnicity is a highly politicized term and the origins and nature of ethnic identity 19 they believe that only ‘‘people of color’’ – that is African Americans, Asian Americans, Latinos, and Native Americans – qualify as ethnic.
38). Sources emphasizing the sojourner nature of much Mexican immigration are too numerous to mention, but it is worth noting that the practice is still widespread, even among Chicano scholars. For instance, at the very beginning of their book Mexican Americans/American Mexicans, Matt Meier and Feliciano Ribera stated that many Mexicans ‘‘considered themselves sojourners rather than immigrants – that is, they thought of their move to the United States as expedient and temporary’’ (1993, p. 4). This observation may well be accurate, but it does not justify differentiating Mexican immigrants from those coming from Europe and other parts of the world, for whom, according to John Bodnar’s summary of research on return migration, the following was true: ‘‘Because everyone did not or was unable to return should not obscure the fact that a return was usually every emigrant’s goal’’ (1985, p.
Throughout the nineteenth century, nine-tenths of African Americans resided in the South and, as will be seen in later chapters, this concentration has had profound effects upon the history of both the region and the nation as a whole. The debate over the motivations behind the slave trade also has long antecedents. Under the influence of Ulrich B. Phillips (1959 , pp. 341–3), the early twentieth century’s leading authority on the subject of American slavery, historians generally viewed the transportation of Africans to the United States as a humanitarian, charitable act, delivering blacks from even more severe conditions in their native continent.